名人讲话
名人讲话篇1
老师们、亲爱的同学们：
大家好!
今天，是新学期的第一天，首先我祝愿同学们每天都能快快乐乐。过去的一学年，我们全体师生迎难而上，与时俱进，开拓创新，各方各面的工作稳步前进，教育教学方面取得了优异成绩。
新的学期迎着凉爽的秋风向我们已经走来，我们将面临新的机遇和挑战。我相信，我们的老师、同学是好样的，我们的学校也同样是优秀的。新的学期我们将从强管理、重服务、抓落实，高扬创新精神，坚持以人为本，外塑形象，内强素质，关注师生的互动发展，使每一位同学都拥有快乐，学会创造，学会做人;让每一位老师都爱岗敬业、爱校如家、团结和谐。
同学们，面对飘扬的五星红旗，你在想什么呢?作为一个小学生，新的学期如何使自己成为家庭的好孩子、学校的好学生、社会的好少年呢?将来如何更好地适应新形势的需求，把自己塑造成为符合时代发展的、能为社会作出贡献的合格人才呢?以下是我对大家新学期提出的希望和要求：
首先，要学会做人。同学们要学会关心他人，互助友爱，文明礼貌，争做一个德才兼备、品学兼优的好学生。
第二，同学们要学会学习。在同学们的学习过程中，应该培养勤奋刻苦的学习精神，还应掌握好的学习方法，以求得事半功倍的学习效果。
第三，要拥有强健的体魄和良好的心理素质，掌握基本的生活技能，培养健康的审美情趣，发展特长，为将来的发展打下良好的基础。学习成绩达到“更高、更好、更上一层楼”。
第四，要团结友爱，遵纪守法。同学们要为加强校风和班风建设作出贡献，要增强集体意识，培养团队精神，文明礼貌，团结互助，争做学校的好学生。
第五，要讲卫生、讲文明，爱我校园从我做起，营造好我们整洁、舒适、美丽的校园。开展好“五个一”活动。人人学会写一手好字;能写一篇好文章;有一项兴趣特长;读一本好书，学校图书室将全天为同学们开放，欢迎同学们积极借阅;每天做一件好事。
同学们，你们是二十一世纪的主人，是未来祖国建设的生力军，是中华民族的希望!过去，我们学校为各中学输送了一大批优秀的生源，赢得了有关中学和广大学生和学生家长的信任和支持。今后，我们将继续发扬学校的优良传统，不断提高教育教学水平。学校会尽力为同学们创造良好的学习条件，同学们要加倍努力。你们的父母在关注着你们;我们的每一位教师都在祝福你们。今天我们要将新学期视为一个新的起点，以全新的精神面貌投入学习和生活之中。遵守学校规章制度，尊敬老师，刻苦学习，热爱劳动，关心他人，善于合作，以优异的成绩向你们的父母汇报。
老师们、同学们，收获的季节不在自然界，她蕴藏在我们每一位--人的心中。让我们在前进的道路上策马扬鞭，与时俱进，开拓创新，以饱满的热情迎接新的挑战，寻求新的发展，为永新的未来而奋斗!让鲜花和掌声永远与一小相伴，让我们共同的家园——--小学永远温馨。
最后，祝我们的全体老师在新的学年中身体健康、工作愉快、家庭幸福!祝同学们快乐成长，学习进步!
谢谢大家。
名人讲话篇2
1874年11月30日的夜晚，伦敦的布伦海姆宫灯火辉煌，一群贵族男女在这里翩翩起舞。突然，一位活泼、美丽的贵族夫人连声叫喊肚子疼痛，人们赶快把她扶到就近的一个临时女更衣室。温斯顿·丘吉尔——一个早产儿，就这样非同寻常地来到人间。
丘吉尔是英国显赫的贵族公爵马尔巴罗家族的后代。英国除了王室以外，公爵家庭总共不超过20个，马尔巴罗家族按封爵次序名列其中第十位。丘吉尔的母亲詹妮是美国百万富翁杰罗姆的女儿，1873年与丘吉尔的父亲伦道夫结婚，1895年1月24日伦道夫因病医治无效，溘然去世，终年46岁。这时的詹妮虽已40多岁，但依然美艳惊人，风姿绰约。不久，她便萌生了嫁给一个25岁男人的想法。然而消息一经传出，立刻遭到众多亲友的反对。就在詹妮几乎要放弃了的时候，詹妮25岁的儿子、与母亲要嫁之人同岁的丘吉尔，坚决地握住她的双手：“亲爱的母亲，就算全世界都反对您，我也会勇敢地站在您这边，所以，请您也一定要勇敢。”儿子坚毅、鼓励的目光，让詹妮义无反顾地披上了洁白的婚纱。
但这桩婚姻并没有维持多久。10多年过去了，詹妮的儿子丘吉尔已经凭借卓越的才能跻身政坛。60岁的詹妮也要再次迎来婚礼。这次的决定同样遭到众人强烈的反对，尤其是儿子的那些反对派们。詹妮犹豫了。这次与上次不同，丘吉尔打小就怀有雄心壮志，并且具备实现远大理想的能力。她不想因为自己贻误儿子的前程。然而，令他意想不到的是，儿子又一次握住了她的手：如果让我在我的仕途与您的幸福之间作选择，我心甘情愿的选择后者。请您不要再有任何顾虑。母亲幸福，我才幸福。詹妮又一次无比快乐地迈入了婚姻的殿堂。婚礼上，儿子依然像上次一样，坚强地站在她的身边，而另一边则是比儿子还要年轻的36岁的新郎。能够两次接受母亲的婚姻，也许很多人都做得到。而面对沉重的压力，丘吉尔两次接受和自己年龄差不多的人作自己的继父，这需要多么豁达的胸怀。
1908年8月15日，伦敦报纸登载了一条引人注目的消息：33岁的内阁贸易大臣温斯顿·丘吉尔先生与23岁的克莱门蒂娜霍齐娅小姐订婚。举行婚礼的这一天热闹非凡，宾朋满堂，欢歌笑语。证婚人是财政大臣劳合乔治，而他选择的男傧相却是他在下院的一个坚决反对者——包括休塞西尔勋爵。当时丘吉尔推行一系列争取工人拥护的社会改革，休塞西尔勋爵在内的贵族集团坚决反对这些改革。这里反映了英国政治生活中的一个很有意思的特点：人们可以在下院和政治集会上相互咒骂，如同仇敌，但在个人生活中却能成为亲朋好友，相敬无间。在政治生活中虽然是公敌，却不妨碍他们在私人生活中称兄道弟。恩格斯《在马克思墓前的讲话》中也这样说过：“马克思是当代最遭嫉恨和最受污蔑的人。……而我敢大胆地说：他可能有过许多敌人，但未必有一个私敌。”西方近代的这种文化现象是多么的耐人寻味。
宽容比自由更重要!这宽容来源于对每个人权利的尊重：我虽然不赞成你的观点，但我坚决捍卫你发表观点的权利;我虽然不支持你的行动，但我坚决维护你合法行动的自由!
名人讲话篇3
巴拉斯出生于一个贫困的家庭，母亲患有精神分裂症，不但无法正常工作，一旦病情发作还常常冲巴拉斯大声地吼叫甚至动手打她。父亲因患小儿麻痹症，瘸了一条腿，对生活早已失去了希望的他，不但好赌还酗酒。无人管束的巴拉斯整天像个男孩子一样四处疯跑，跟人打架，还染上了偷盗的恶习。
巴拉斯12岁那年，邻居的一个名叫威尔逊的跳高运动员，把她带到运动场上教她练习跳高。巴拉斯站在运动场上不敢动弹。巴拉斯胆怯地问：“威尔逊先生，我真的能像你一样成为一名跳高运动员吗?”威尔逊反问她：“为什么不能呢?”巴拉斯说：“您难道不知道，我的母亲是一个患有精神分裂症的人，我的父亲是残疾人，并且还是一个酒鬼，我的家境很糟糕……”
威尔逊再次反问她：“这些对你跳高又有什么关系呢?”巴拉斯回答不上来了，是啊，这对她跳高又有什么关系呢，巴拉斯嗫嚅了半天说：“因为我不是个好孩子，而你却是那么优秀。”威尔逊摇了摇头说：“除非你自己不愿意成为一个好孩子，没有人天生就很优秀。另外，我要告诉你的是，别将不好的家境当成你变成好孩子的阻力，而要让它成为你的动力。”
威尔逊给她加了一个1米高的栏杆，结果被巴拉斯跳过了。威尔逊又将那根栏杆撤下来，结果巴拉斯仅能跳过0.6米。威尔逊说，现在这根栏杆就是你苦难的家境，而没有这根栏杆，你跳高的时候就没有足够的动力，如果你不相信的话，我现在就将栏杆加到1.2米，你一定能够跳过去的。巴拉斯咬了咬牙，真的跳过了1.2米。巴拉斯深深地相信了威尔逊的话，决定要出人头地，以自己的实力来改变家里的现状。
以后，经过威尔逊介绍，她加入了体育俱乐部，并认识了罗马尼亚的全国男子跳高冠军约·索特尔。在索特尔的精心培育下，14岁的巴拉斯跳过了1.51米。1956年夏天，19岁的巴拉斯终于跳过I.75米，第一次打破了世界纪录。
1958年，她又以1.78米的成绩创造了新的世界纪录，并从此开始了巴拉斯时代。她在1956年至1961年5年中，共14次刷新世界纪录。1960年罗马奥运会上，以1.85米的成绩获得她一生中第一枚奥运金牌，比第二名的成绩高出14厘米。1961年她再创世界纪录，越过了被誉为“世界屋脊”的1.91米的高度。此纪录一直保持了10年之久。她从1959年到1967年，在140次比赛中获胜，是世界上跳高比赛获胜最多的女运动员，被人们誉为喀尔巴阡山的“女飞鹰”。
教练法则：其实，我们每个人的面前都有一根栏杆，那根栏杆的名字叫贫穷、饥饿、失业、灾难，或者是生活中其他的种.种不如意，我们每个人都可以将它当成一根栏杆来跳，只要跳过了那根横亘在自己面前的栏杆，你就成功了。
名人讲话篇4
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
名人讲话篇5
我最高兴的一件事就是读书。
我非常的爱读书。因为书中有知识，有精彩的故事，有大自然的奥秘，有生活中的趣事，有幽默、笑话、漫画、脑筋急转弯，还有做人的道理。每当我有了一本新书时，我会抱着新书，爱不释手，然后就看得废寝忘食。吃饭时，妈妈喊七、八遍，我还舍不得放下自己心爱的书。因此，我三天就能看完一本书，有的书半天就看完了。
正因为我喜欢读书，爸爸妈妈就不停地给我买书。有《十万个为什么》、《环游世界八十天》、《青少年百科知识大全》、《史记故事》等等。现在，我的书装了满满几柜子。爸爸妈妈为了让我读更多的书，就在新华书店读者俱乐部给我办了一张会员卡，我随时都可以去那里借书看。每次我去借书，就觉得自己像在知识的海洋里遨游，书太好看了，我拿了这本，又想拿另一本。为了尽快看另一本书，我就把看书的速度放快。
我爱读书，我从书中学到许多知识，不仅学习成绩一直在班上名列前茅，而且文章也越写越好，我上小学二年级的时候，参加了全国“百年树人”杯生态道德征文比赛，获了三等奖;上三年级的时候，又获得了全省“楚天杯”作文比赛三等奖。近几年，《襄樊日报》和《襄樊晚报》也刊登了我的一些文章。同学们都很羡慕我。妈妈让我一年读100本书，可我想一年读800本书。
读书是我最高兴的一件事，我读书，我快乐。 一个人的生命是有限的，怎样才能让有限的生命过得充实富有、多姿多彩，怎样才能让有限的生命飘溢着浓郁的清香，闪耀出无限的光辉，怎样才能提高生命的质量，让生命增值呢?那就是读书。
在喧嚣的都市中，人们往往忘记了许多原始的生命的本能与需求。汽车代替了行走，电视代替了观察，网络代替了交流。我们不否认进步，但我们知道有的东西是永远不能代替的，如一片纯净的自然，如一本翻黄的旧书，如一首经典老歌。即使我们已经有着e时代的时尚外形，在内心的最深处，也许我们还执着于那种红袖添香的雅致、青梅煮酒的风趣，还有雨夜读书的清幽。
名人讲话篇6
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free." And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
名人讲话篇7
I applaud Prime Minister Abe for expanding paid family leave here in Japan, an important step in addressing the modern challenges of working families and maintaining women’s attachment to the workforce.
This year, for the first time ever, the President’s Budget included a proposal to establish a nationwide paid family leave program. We know this will take time, but we are deeply committed to working with members of Congress, on both sides of the aisle, to get it done and deliver more pro-family solutions to hardworking Americans.
Third, in this age of rapid technology, we must also confront the challenges of workforce development.
It is critical as we look toward the future, that we don’t allow women in the United States and around the world to be left behind by the 4th Industrial Revolution – a revolution that’s integrating robotics, computer programing, artificial intelligence, social media, and cutting-edge technologies into every aspect of our society.
As technology transforms every industry, we must work to ensure that women have access to the same education and industry opportunities as men.
Female and minority participation in STEM fields is moving in the wrong direction. Women today represent only 13 percent of engineers and 24 percent of Computer Science professionals, down from 35 percent in 1990. We must create equal participation in these traditionally male-dominated sectors of our economy, which are among the fastest-growing and most lucrative industries in the world. Over the coming decades, technologies such as automation and robotics will transform the way we work, and we want to make sure that women can lead in the economy of the future. Otherwise, not only will we fail in closing the persistent gender wage gap, we will risk reversing the hard-fought progress we have made in this fight.
名人讲话篇8
凡尔纳是一位世界闻名的科幻小说作家，但很少有人知道凡尔纳为了发表他的第一部作品，曾经遭受过多么大的挫折!这里记录的，就是凡尔纳的一段令人难忘的经历：
1863年冬天的一个上午，凡尔纳刚吃过早饭，正准备到邮局去，突然听到一阵敲门声，他开门一看，原来是一个邮递员。
邮递员把一包鼓囊囊的邮件递到了凡尔纳的手里。一看到这样的邮件，凡尔纳就预感到不妙，自从他几个月前把他的第一部科幻小说《乘气球五周记》寄到各出版社后，收到这样的邮件已经是第十四次了。
他怀着忐忑不安的心情拆开一看，上面写道：“凡尔纳先生：书稿经我们审读后，不拟出版，特此奉还。”
每看到这样一封封退稿信，凡尔纳心里都是一陈绞痛。这次是第十五次了，还是未被采用。凡尔纳此时已深知，那些出版社的“老爷”们是如何看不起无名作者。他愤怒地发誓，从此再也不写了。
他拿起手稿向壁炉走去，准备把这些稿子付之一炬。他妻子赶过来，一把抢过书稿紧紧抱在怀里。 此时的凡尔纳余怒未息，说什么也要把稿子烧掉。
他妻子急中生智，以满怀关切的语言安慰丈夫，“亲爱的，不要灰心，再试一次吧，也许这次能交上好运的。”听了这句话以后，凡尔纳夺书稿的手，慢慢放下了。他沉默了好一会儿，然后接受了妻子的劝告，又抱起这一大包书稿到第十六家出版社去碰运气。
这次没有落空，读完书稿后，这家出版社立即决定出版此书，并与凡尔纳签订了20年的出书合同。 没有他妻子的疏导，没有“再努力一次”的勇气，我们也许根本无法读到凡尔纳笔下那些脍炙人口的科幻故事，人类就会失去一份极其珍贵的精神财富。